This
report will investigate the effects that horizontal ownership has on
media products – in particular, the local press. My case study
will be based around North London Newspapers (NLN), which owns six weekly
paid-for titles in the north London area.
Introduction
I am particularly interested in the different levels of priority awarded
by NLN to its advertisers and readers of its publications and how that
links with the company’s quest for efficiency and profitability.
In this report I
will look at the homogenisation that occurs when a single company owns
a series of titles in neighbouring geographical areas.
I will also look
at the level of priority given to advertising in comparison to the editorial
content in the local press.
To carry out these
objectives I have chosen to look at the group’s publications from
Thursday, August 12, 2004.
Background
North London Newspapers is based in Hornsey in the London Borough of
Haringey. I spent a week in August 2004 working for the group as a reporter
on the Islington Gazette and Camden Chronicle, the two most widely circulated
of the group’s newspapers.
North London Newspapers
publishes the following weekly, paid-for papers plus two free-sheet
titles:
Gazette Series:
• Hornsey
& Crouch End Journal
• Tottenham & Wood Green Journal
• Muswell Hill Journal
In September 2004
the Competition Commission cleared the acquisition of North London Newspapers
by Archant Regional. They were previously owned by Independent News
and Media plc (INM). The takeover was part of a £62 million deal
for 27 paid-for titles from INM which also included publications in
East London and Kent. When the Office of Fair Trading referred the takeover
to the Competition Commission in April it noted:
“As
a result of the acquisition, Archant now supplies more than 25 per
cent of free and paid-for local newspapers in a substantial part of
the UK.”
Competitors
The main competitors of the Gazette series are the Ham & High, the
High & I, the St John’s Wood and Maida Vale Express and the
Broadway Express, collectively known as the Hampstead and Highgate Express
series. These publications were already owned by Archant Regional Ltd
prior to the acquisition of the North London Newspapers titles but their
collective circulation is less than the collective circulation of the
NLN titles. (See fig.1 below)
The current ABC circulation
figures between 29 December 2003 to 27 June 2004 are as follows:
Publication
series
Owner
Weekly
circulation
Cover
price
Gazette
series
NLN
(Archant)
13,120
40p
Journal
series
NLN
(Archant)
6,870
40p
Express
series
H&H
(Archant)
15,087
50p
fig
1, source: ABC
The
acquisition fits into a pattern of increased concentration of ownership
of regional titles. According to the Newspaper Society:
“The
largest 20 regional press publishers now account for 85% of all regional
press titles and 96% of total weekly circulation, exactly the same
as at 1 January 2004.”
According to Newspaper
Society figures, Archant Regional now ranks sixth in circulation among
the top 20 publishers of regional publications, while Independent News
& Media Ltd ranks 11th (Newspaper
Society, 2004). Following the acquisition, Archant Regional’s
portfolio grew to 90 titles with an overall circulation of around than
three million copies per week. The acquisition represents the last remaining
weekly, paid-for publications owned by Independent News & Media
Ltd and their combined circulations exceed 620,000 (Archant, 2003).
The acquisition enabled
Archant to increase its coverage and advertising revenues while reducing
overheads. In its final report on the merger the Competition Commission
noted:
“It
[Archant] saw the acquisitions as offering the scope for increasing
investment in better processes and technology, and for cost reductions
through sharing overheads.”
(Competition Commission, 22 September, 2004)
In Archant’s
2003 annual business report, Chief Executive John Fry said:
“Opportunities
to acquire regional newspaper portfolios of quality and scale are
few and far between, so we consider these acquisitions to be of significant
strategic importance, given the geographic proximity to our existing
areas of publication and the enhancement it gives to our coverage
in and around London.”
Homogenisation
Franklin and Murphy (1991) suggest that the increased concentration
in media ownership has led to increased homogenisation in the content
and style of local newspapers. This has occurred as independent companies
have been bought out by larger groups so they can streamline their operations,
reduce costs and eliminate the competition (O’Sullivan et al.,
2003). This is likely to be the case in the acquisition of North London
Newspapers which enjoys a higher circulation compared to Archant Regional’s
existing north London titles (fig.1).
At the time of my
placement the reporters and advertising teams for North London Newspapers’
titles were based in the same office. There were 16 advertising sales
staff including managers, 10 editorial staff, 2 sub-editors, one editor
plus a general manager (appendix
1). The advertising and editorial departments were on separate
floors.
There were four reporters
working on the Journal range of titles including the Tottenham &
Wood Green Journal, Muswell Hill Journal and the Hornsey & Crouch
End Journal. The remaining five reporters worked on the Islington Gazette,
Camden Journal and the Islington Gazette EC1 edition.
Content analysis
To prove that homogenisation occurs throughout the newspaper group I
conducted a basic content analysis of the North London Newspapers series
to see which pages were re-used across all publications and which were
unique (appendix
2).
On Thursday 12th
August 2004 each of the six publications had 64 pages containing the
same amount of news, advertising and other items.
Of those 64 pages,
15 contained local news, 6 contained letters or competitions, 11 contained
local sport, 6 contained TV and entertainment listings, 2 contained
lifestyle features and 24 had no journalistic content at all, consisting
of just adverts (appendix
3).
From each newspaper,
only three pages of stories were unique to each publication; they were
pages one, three and five.
With the exception
of the Camden Chronicle, pages two, four, six, seven and eight of the
publications were used for at least one other newspaper in the series,
e.g. pages two, four, six, seven and eight in the Islington Gazette
were also used in the Gazette EC1 edition.
From page nine onwards
all the newspapers in both the Journal and Gazette series were exactly
the same, using the same letters page, the same competitions and the
same features. This means that 92 per cent of pages in the Islington
Gazette were used in at least one other newspaper and 79 per cent of
the pages were used in all six publications (appendix
4).
The sport pages were
identical across all titles. All of the articles were written by either
Paul Chronnel or Dave Evans who are part of a dedicated sports team
based in Dagenham. It is here that all the sport content is written
for Archant’s London publications.
The results of the
content analysis show that the North London Newspapers and its parent
company are maximising the number of titles they produce while minimising
the amount of content they have to produce for each – this increases
advertising profits, while keeping down staff, office and printing costs.
By tailoring the
publication to specific areas within north London the advertising team
can sell a wider geographical readership to its advertisers.
Loss
of local identity
Franklin and Murphy (1991) say that this type of horizontal ownership
of regional and local media, as demonstrated by Archant Regional and
North London Newspapers, leads to a loss of local identity. However,
the newspaper series uses a range of devices to make readers feel that
the publication is tailored solely for their community.
Although there is
a small amount of tailored content in the various titles, similar themes
are used. For instance, on page six of the Islington Gazette is a regular
item called ‘You Said It’, a vox-pop of local people giving
their opinion on a weekly topic.
While on placement
I accompanied a photographer to conduct one of the vox-pops in Stroud
Green (appendix
5). He told me that each week the location would rotate between
the catchment areas of the various publications. The Journal and Gazette
titles all contained the same panel of six members of the public.
The topic would always
be the same across all three titles, in the week that I was on my placement
the question was: ‘Should local authorities impose curfews on
unruly children?’
The device of involving
the local community in the production of the newspaper is a theme that
is common to the range of publications and probably accounts for a small
proportion of newspaper sales. Some people will buy a newspaper because
they or someone they know is featured inside.
Advertising
The main purpose of the publications is to make a profit and they achieve
this through advertising. There is a continuous struggle for priority
between the editorial and advertising departments for the newspapers.
Without advertising the reason for the newspaper’s existence,
i.e. profit, would be gone, but without good quality content readers
would not buy the newspaper in the first place (O’Sullivan, 2003,
p.186).
Kevin Williams points
out that advertising is fundamental to the survival of all commercially
funded publications:
“The
overall impact of advertising on the structure of the newspapers market
is underpinned by the fact that the vast majority of newspapers –
national, regional morning and evening, local weeklies as well as
trade and specialised publications – sell at a loss. Sales do
not cover costs and profit is determined by advertising receipts.”
(1998,
p.218)
A more detailed content
analysis of the Islington Gazette reveals that, despite being a paid-for
newspaper, more than half of its contents (around 52 per cent) are advertisements.
(appendix
6)
Williams also points
out that due to competition from free sheets, paid-for weeklies have
not been able to increase their cover prices and depend instead on increased
advertising volumes and cost cutting to remain profitable:
“Weeklies
only raise 14 per cent of their revenue from sales compared to 38
per cent for regional dailies. This has meant that commercial interests
have come to play a greater role than editorial interests in the material
published by the local press.”
(1998, p.220)
According to the
Competition Commission, advertising accounts for 95 per cent of total
revenues for local weekly newspapers. In 2003 Greater London local weekly
newspaper revenues from advertising were estimated at between £215
and £220 million a year (Competition Commission, 2003).
In Archant’s
submission to the Competition Commission it refers to increased customer
benefits but it considers its customers as the advertisers not its readers.
Archant also makes reference to an improved product – the advertising
package, not the publication itself.
“Archant's
acquisition of INM titles has given it the ability to offer greater
choice of and better value advertising packages. Archant can now seek
to improve the quality of its products and its customer service.”
(Archant, 2004)
This reinforces the
view that the primary function of this merger was to increase advertising
revenues and create cost savings. In the Archant submission to the Competition
Commission there was little or no mention of ‘readers’,
only ‘consumers’. There was also no mention of editorial
content, only advertising content.
Conclusion
The newspaper industry is constantly seeking ways to increase profits,
rationalise operations and increase efficiency (Franklin, 2003, p.6).
In the case of the regional and local press lower circulations mean
there is an increased reliance on advertising revenues to maintain profitability.
As I have already mentioned, this has led editorial concerns to take
a back seat and it is only the individual professional pride of the
journalists that help maintain the quality of copy within local publications.
Publishing groups
increasingly pool resources, newsgathering processes have been streamlined,
content is shared and this has resulted in a standardisation across
titles. In the case of North London Newspapers, the journalists work
on more than one title and content is shared across the publications
to save time and reduce costs.
To try and reverse
what Franklin and Murphy (1991) describe as ‘sameness’ between
titles, devices are employed by individual editorial teams to give the
illusion that the publication is locally focussed. Stories are given
a local angle and local place names are included wherever possible.
It is apparent that the needs of advertisers are more highly valued
by media proprietors than the requirements of their ‘consumers’.
However, the separation
of editorial and advertising means that while those writing for the
publication are under pressures of time and resources, they are able
to remain focussed on the business of producing copy with their readers
in mind and with minimal interference from the advertising department.